The
Ranums'
Panat Times
Volume 1, redone Dec. 2014
Jacques II Dalibert
secretary to Queen Christina of Sweden and financial and political "operator"
Part 1: 1662-1666
In late June 1662, Jacques II Dalibert began what would be twenty-seven years of service of Christina Alexandra, Queen of Sweden. For almost three decades he would write or copy out letters and deliver them throughout Rome, serve as her jester, supervise her entertainments (or so it seems), and keep alive his earlier contacts with the court of Savoy, in Turin.
First, to his role as jester, which is discussed at considerable length in the Histoire:
Il entretenoit tous les jours la Reine deux heures entières apres le repas. Elle l'a souvent redressé, mais il a souffert le tout fort patiemment, sur tout quand il lui apportoit des nouvelles du Palais du Pape, ou de la ville, qui étoient le plus souvent inventées, ne sachant quelquefois que dire.(1)
A letter dated February 22, 1668, and sent to Dalibert from Hamburg, reveals what Christina's side in these daily conversations must have been like:
Je vous envoie une lettre pour Danese, rendez-là en main propre, et observez sa contenance pour m'en rendre compte. J'attends de vous la relation des divertissemens de Rome du Carnaval, des chasses, des mascarades, et autre galanteries; soyez ponctuel et ne craignez pas d'être long; car tout ce qui regarde Rome ne peut pas m'ennuyer. Dites-moi aussi sincèrement, si mes appartemens, meubles, et peintures ont plû à l'Ambassadeur [Chaulnes] et à l'Ambassadrice de France. On m'a dit que la de Brun, qui est avec elle, est celle-là même que j'ay vu danser dans les Bals du Roi de France [en 1657]. Je voudrois savoir si cela est vrai, car j'en serois ravie, cette fille étant de ma connoissance ...."(2)
Despite the daily burlesque conversations that tickled the Queen's funny bone, she could be very strict with her householders. For example, after one of her French secretaries sent a note to inform her that "Je donneray à Mr le Comte d'Alibert les escrits qui regardent son affaire," the Queen wrote in the margin: "Vous avez fait ce que je vous ay commandé, et j'ay desja ordonné à D'Alibert tout ce qu'il aura à faire."(3)
As Christina's French secretary in Rome, Dalibert almost certainly worked with her secretary in France, Gabriel Gilbert, a playwright. Gilbert had served Christina in Sweden prior to her abdication in 1654 and had followed her to Rome in 1655. By 1657 he was back in Paris where, in addition to serving as Christina's "secretary," he wrote plays for Molière's theater. (I have found no evidence that Jacques II became acquainted with Gabriel Gilbert in the late 1650s, while still a student.)
(In 1681 Marc-Antoine Charpentier wrote incidental music (for a revival of Gilbert's Amours de Diane et d'Endymion, which was being rehearsed in March 1681 and was performed four times, July-October. Gilbert had read the play aloud to Christina in 1657 at the Hôtel de Guise. Contrary to Cessac's assertion that "Endimion" was never printed, the BN catalogue shows that a new edition of Gilbert's entire play was published in 1681.)
Letters in Dalibert's hand can be found in the Archives of the Affaires étrangères, Paris (AAE), most of them diplomatic, but a few of them more personal. There is also quite a bit of correspondence involving him in the Archivio di Stato at Turin. Now and then these letters contain insights into what it was like to be Christina's secretary-gentleman.
First of all, Dalibert did not reserve his gossip about what was going on in Rome for his mistress the Queen. And he was party to a great deal of gossip, for his position in the Queen's household gave him an entrée to all the important palaces in Rome. Later he would proudly describe himself as a man with connections, "un homme qui a les entrés aussi libres que moy."(4)
He did, however, fear Christina's wrath should she discover that he was making overtures to Turin about working for the House of Savoy. Not only did she pay him wages when her purse permitted, she also did what she could to increase his social prestige. Thus he was particularly troubled by the prospect of appearing to betray her: "n'aiant point parlé à la reine ma maitresse de ce dessin elle auroit lieu de le trouver meauvès appres m'avoir honoré de la charge de premier gentilhome de sa chambre et de secretaire de ses commandemens, oultre qu'elle a pour moy plus de bonté que je ne merite."(5)
He realized that Christina's protection could be extremely useful. It made him, so to speak, the inhabitant of a palace-sized kingdom ruled by a queen without a throne. Throne-less the Queen might be, but her householders enjoyed a special immunity: "etant serviteur de la Reine, la justice [romaine] ne me pouvoit contrindre en rien."(6) Then too, Christina sometimes worked wonders, wrenching an exclusive privilege from one pope or another, one official or another. For example, Dalibert gave puppet shows in his house, "sous la protection de la Reine, autrement il ne l'auroit pu faire, parce que cela est defendu à Rome."(7)
By the early 1670s, Dalibert's income would come from a variety of disparate sources. He received from the Queen or hoped he would receive 200 pistolles (2,000 livres) per year, plus a coach and its maintenance. In the late 1650s, he had been put on the pension list of Madame Royale, the mother of the Duke of Savoy; and then, in the mid-1670s, he was granted a pension of 500 pistoles (5,000 livres) from the Duke's widow, in her turn known as "Madame Royale." It is, of course, not sure that these wages and pensions were paid regularly. Then, in 1671, the pontifical government made him Governatore delle armi di Nettuno, which brought with it a pension. In addition, after his marriage in 1663, his annual income presumably was increased by the income from the properties his wife brought as her dowry. To this we must add the income from his money-making ventures: a tennis court, marionette shows, a lottery ("mont de fortune"), an "académie de conversation." (It is impossible to say whether these ventures were profitable or whether they ate up most of the money he had spirited out of France.) From this total we must subtract his notorious gambling losses. Although no amounts can be proposed, Jacques II Dalibert clearly was able to live rather well throughout the 1660s, although doubtlessly not as well as he would have liked. After 1670, the financial picture was negatively impacted by the money he sunk into the Tor di Nona Theater, which was closed after the pre-Lenten season of 1676, reopened for a few years in 1690, then was ordered destroyed in 1697.
Even if the Queen did not pay his stipend, as sometimes happened, Dalibert remained her faithful servant. For example, when she let from Hamburg, 1666-68, she took all her ready cash with her and left her domestics to fend for themselves. We shall see that Dalibert probably helped make ends meet during those two years by working on entertainments being organized at the French Embassy. We shall also see that when Christina again dismissed her householders in 1677-78, after her income had been curtailed by war in Pomerania, Dalibert was prepared to move to Turin: "depuis que la reine a lisancié toutte sa cour, je ne la sers qu'autant que ma recognoisance mi engage."(8)
Dalibert was continually on the brink of disgrace, and sometimes Christina would threaten him physically. A letter sent to Paris from the French embassy alluded to one of these incidents: "... la Royne luy ayant dit des paroles fascheuses jusqu'à le menacer de le faire jetter par les fenestres."(9)
A number of facets of the word-portrait of Dalibert that was preserved in the Histoire edited by Franckenstein not long after Christina's death, are confirmed by reliable documents. For example, people apparently joked behind his back about his flowery literary style: "Quand il veut composer une lettre, il y reussit quelquesfois, mais c'est après avoir pillé Balzac, & Voiture."(10) Some of Dalibert's turns of phrase do indeed astonish! Take a letter addressed to the Duke of Savoy, with its allusions to the other side of the world where exotic people dwell: "Quand je serois aux antipoddes et que ma mauvaise fortune m'auroit confiné dans le pays des nez ecrasez, je me consollerois pourveu, Monseigneur, que vous continuassiez d'agreer que je rendisse de temps en temps mes tres humbles respectz."(11)
A great deal of the factual information about Dalibert in the Histoire proves to be quite close to actual fact. It therefore seems safe to assume that the Histoire's remarks about the Frenchman's personality are reliable. If so, this is what we know about Jacques II Dalibert as a person:
Il est de taille mediocre, ni bien ni mal fait de sa personne, excepté qu'il est un peu camus, c'est un grand parleur & diseur de rien, il a assez de brillant, mais rien de solide, intriguant & curieux, mais un peu timide, au reste plein de souplesse, il se donne beaucoup de mouvemens qui souvent ne tendent à rien. ... Il affecte en parlant de declamer et gesticuler comme un Comedien, & avec toutes ces belles qualitez il entretenoit tous les jours la Reine deux heures entiéres apres le repas. ... Ce n'est pas qu'il prenne beaucoup de plaisir au jeu, mais quand il s'y embarque, c'est par une vaine espérance de gagner qui la [sic: l'a] toûjours trompé, car il n'y a jamais été heureux, & il n'est pas assez habile pour en faire un metier. ...(12)
As the years passed, Dalibert was entrusted with imprtant tasks that went beyond secretarial duties. For example, each day he reported to the Queen about what was going on in Rome:
Elle l'a souvent redressé, mais il a souffert le tout fort patiemment, sur tout quand il lui apportoit des nouvelles du Palais du Pape, ou de la ville, qui étoient le plus souvent inventées, ne sachant quelquefois que dire. Je me souviens qu'un jour, la Reine lui demandoit son sentiment sur la couleur de certaines dentelles noires lustrées qu'elle avoit entre les mains, elle lui demanda si elles n'étoient pas violettes, Ouy Madame, elles sont violettes, repondit il, vous êtes un sot, dit la Reine, elles sont gris de more [Maure]. Il est vray Madame, repondit le Comte, vous êtes une bête repliqua la Reine, elles sont d'un bleu obscur, voilà le terme, dit il, que je ne pouvois trouver, enfin il dit tout ce qu'elle voulut, puis quand elle avoit le dos tourné, il dit à un valet de chambre ah ciel qu'elle [est] folle, il faut dire comme elle. Une autre fois voulant flatter la Reine sur son teint, pendant qu'elle se lavoit les mains dans de l'eau claire, & qu'elle avoit les bras nuds jusqu'au coude, Il faut avouer dit il, Madame, que voilà des chairs parfaitement unies, & d'une grande blancheur, cela est admirable, car c'est la nature toute pure, & l'art n'y a aucune part; Tu es un plaisant, Jean F., dit elle, de me parler de la sorte, crois tu que je sois comme ta femme, qui se met du fard jusqu'aux fesses. Il avaloit toutes ces epithetes sans peine, elle lui a même souvent fait dire le qui vive, & elle prenoit plaisir à lui faire renier sa patrie, & à dire pis que prendre de la France, quoy que dans son coeur il ait été toûjours bon François.(13)
This is exactly how Dalibert described himself: a loyal Frenchman. In a letter to Lionne he insisted that, to his "calité de serviteur de la reine," he wished to add "celle du bon François."(14)
Those who knew Dalibert were wary of his embarrassing self-interest. Madame Royale of Savoy had been struck by this trait back in 1658: "Tout ce qui me paroît de cet homme, c'est qu'il s'empresse fort."(15) Thirty years later, the anonymous author of the Histoire alluded to the same trait. He recounted how Cardinal Azzolino asked him to be his intermediary in a confidential undertaking. The Cardinal wanted this anonymous Frenchman to arrange the transfer to Louis XIV of some of the things the Cardinal had inherited from Christina. And it was essential that Dalibert remain in the dark: "Je me fie en vous," remarked Azzolino, "Vous sçavez que si je n'ouvris ce dessein à Monsieur d'Alibert, il seroit ravi que cela se fît par son moyen."(16)
Dalibert played a major role in organizing Christina's entertainments and theatricals. (See the page on Christina and music.) However, I have found no document that permits us to say just how he moved from the float he purportedly created for Mardi Gras circa 1662, in order to catch Christina's eye, and the creation of the Tor di Nona Theater, his subscription opera house, which opened in 1671. Still, the Histoire suggests that Dalibert was a jack-of-all-trades around the Riario, and that — "Count" though he was, or claimed to be — he sometimes undertook projects more appropriately done by artisans:
Un jour il eut la lâcheté de quitter son manteau, & de prendre un marteau avec des clouds pour detacher & ratacher un tableau contre la muraille, où étant monté sur une chaise à bras qui se renversa, il pensa se rompre le cou. Toutes ces bassesses faisoient que les autres Gentilhommes de la chambre de la Reine n'avoient pas beaucoup d'estime pour lui,(17)
"Other gentlemen": in other words, the author of the Histoire (who, like Dalibert, was one of Christina's householders) painted Jacques II as occupying a more elevated position in the domestic hierarchy than that of a mere secretary. This detail is confirmed by Dalibert himself, who claimed that he had been given "la charge de premier gentilhome de sa chambre et de secretaire de ses commandemens."(18) If Dalibert did not consider it demeaning to hang a painting for the Queen, he would probably would have deemed it an honor to be asked to oversee Her Majesty's entertainments. And he doubtlessly was even more honored at being asked to draft a History of the Reign of Queen Christina a project that was never completed.(19)
(Dalibert's postion in Christina's household makes one think of Philippe Goibaut, "Monsieur Du Bois," of the Hotel de Guise, the governor to the late Duke of Guise. Du Bois was both the impresario and the writer-in-residence for Mlle de Guise, but silence surrounded these functions. Without two letters referring to Du Bois' duties as "chapel master" to Mlle de Guise, we would still believe that he began life as a dancing master, rather than as a country gentleman who was both a Latinist and an amateur musician.(20) )
All the while, Dalibert was being closely observed by Cardinal
Azzolino, the Queen's confident.(21)
On August
20, 1662 only a few months after Dalibert had entered the Queen's
household(22) ― a fight broke out between the
Pope's Corsican guard, the Frenchmen at the French Embassy, and,
perhaps, some of Christina's French valets. Shooting broke out, the
Ambassador's coach was attacked and one of his pages was killed. With
Azzolino's help and advice, Christina expressed her support for French
Ambassador Créqui and began mediating with the Vatican; she also offered
her services to Louis XIV.(23) Actually, she did
more than that: she promptly dispatched Jacques II Dalibert to Paris to
explain her position and to personally give Louis XIV two letters.
This mission to Paris proved a financial boon for Dalibert, who feared that he would lose his share of the remnants of the family fortune that his father and his siblings had managed to keep from the clutches of the Chamber of Justice. News of the fact that Dalibert's father had been imprisoned in the Bastille for his financial dealings, in the context of the Foucquet Affair, clearly was being circulated in Rome. These rumors would later surface in the Histoire, in a warped version of the facts that paints Jacques II as a discredited financier who was exiled to Rome: "Après la mort de son pere, il [Jacques II] fût recherché pour les malversations qu'il avoit faites dans sa charge, mais il eut l'adresse de se sauver à Rome, avec plus de cinquante mille livres en argent comptant."(24) Although Jacques II's diplomatic mission to the King would not be a notable success, we shall see that, as a personal mission to salvage a bit of the Dalibert wealth, the journey proved very successful.
One of the letters that Dalibert brought to Louis XIV reveals the extent to which Christina trusted her new secretary, still in his early twenties: "J'ai ordonné audit sieur d'Alibert de vous expliquer mes sentiments là-dessus, et vous prie de lui donner entière créance," she wrote. To which Louis replied:
Madame ma Soeur,
Je suis faché que Votre Majesté se soit mise en peine de me dépêcher le sieur d'Alibert pour un sujet qui ne méritait pas de lui donner ce soin. Je sais qu'il est juste que les personnes de votre rang ne se contraignent jamais en rien. Ainsi, aux occasions où elle voudra bien me donner des marques de son affection, je les estimerai beaucoup, comme j'ai fait en celle-ci les civilités que le dit d'Alibert m'a faites de sa part. Aux occurrences où d'autres intérêts lui seront plus chers et plus considérables que les miens, je ne me plaindrai que de ma mauvaise fortune et n'en serai pas moins véritablement, Madame ma Soeur, Votre bon Frere,
Louis(25)
In short, the King was aware that Jacques II Dalibert was in Paris, only eight months after Jacques I had been released from the Bastille. One wonders whether Louis suspected that the reason Christina had so hastily dispatched Dalibert to the Court of France was to provide him with an excuse to return to Paris and tend to his family affairs.
In January 1663 Christina and her "family," that is, her householders, moved into the Riario Palace on the Lungaro, across the Tiber from the French Embassy situated in the Farnese Palace. She remained there until her death in 1689.
By 1663 Jacques II Dalibert began playing around with real estate, albeit on a smaller scale than his father. The property in question was located in the area called the "Babuino," that is, a "French" part of the city situated just below the Pincio Hill and Trinità del Monte. There he decided to create an up-to-date indoor tennis court for the foreigners staying in the inns and rented rooms nearby. Oddly enough, when Jacques was young, the Dalibert house on the rue des Grands-Augustins in Paris had backed onto a tennis court known as the "Lion d'Or" that was owned by a relative of Jacques I's mother and that eventually was transmitted to Jacques II's sister Marie.(26) In short, Jacques II Dalibert had some familiarity with that particular business.
He embarked on this venture in February 1663, although it did not become official until March 1664, when he signed contracts with a mason, an architect, and the Jesuits at the Church of Il Gesu. Indeed, foundation work and adjustments to existing buildings had been underway for a full year, when, on that March day, "Illmo Signr Conte de Libert, Francese" rented land and an existing house (a casetta) and tennis court at the corner of the Via [or Vicolo] del Carciofolo and the Orto di Napoli, not far from the bottom of the yet-to-be-constructed Spanish Steps. (Today the street is called the "Vicolo Alibert.") The structure consisted of a ground-floor tennis court (gioco di Palla corda) and an adjoining house with three rooms on the second floor and four more on the third. The house would be "tutta robba del marbro sopra il Gioco di Palla a corda."(27) When the annual stati d'anime — the "state of souls" — for the parish of S. Lorenzo in Lucina was compiled for 1665, no mention was made of a tennis court on the Vicolo del Carciofolo. These records show that in 1666, a person leaving the Strada Paolino and walking down the Vicolo, saw on his left (the third building) a tennis court and apartments occupied by Carlo di Susi, "padrone del Gioco di Pallacorda," Gioseppe Caiari Carnone, and Giovanni Belardino Bravetti. (These do not seem to be Italianizations of French names.). A bit farther down the street lived a French "Giocitore" named "Ramiro." Beginning with Lent of 1667, the tennis court was occupied by four men, all apparently French. Two of them Giovanni la Sala, Francese, and Francesco/ Giovanni Beranger, compadrone lodged there for four years. With them lived various garzoni who probably were also French: Giacinto Melchionne/Marchionne (Hyacinthe Marchionne?), Giovanni Chio, and Maurito de Groco Eussone. In 1671 a new team of Frenchmen were running the tennis court: Giacomo Maggiore, Francese who "tiene il gioco di palla" lived there with his wife and two children, assisted by three compatriots.(28) These clearly are the facts upon which the following statement in the Histoire are based: "Il a toujours maintenu un jeu de paume proche la place d'Espagne vers l'horto di Napoli; & il a été un tems qu'il louoit des appartemens meublez, aux chambres garnies, par le moyen de tierces personnes"(29) ― just as his father had used "third parties" for his land speculation and financial deals in Paris.
(There is no reason to think that Marc-Antoine Charpentier was using one of these French names in order to live incognito in Rome, 1665-1669. )
Nor did Jacques II Dalibert live in this parish. Rather, he presumably resided in the parish of S. Dorotea, probably at the Riario Palace, about which the clergy who compiled the stati noted, without naming the occupants: "Domus Riario in habitat familia maestalis Regina ..."(30)
Meanwhile, the secretary-and-tennis-court-builder was casting about for a wealthy bride. (Did Christina arrange the marriage, as she is known to have done for other householders?) On May 10, 1663, in the church of Santo Spirito in Sassia, Jacques Dalibert married Maria Vittoria Cenci, the only daughter of Baron Lorenzo Cenci and his wife, Margherita Gentili, a Roman. Cenci had been the captain of the Pope's Corsican guards until they were disbanded after the insult to the French Ambassador in August 1662.
The bride brought a dowry of 20,000 scudi, plus two feudal holdings in Corsica worth an additional 6,000 scudi. She also was given title to a house and garden off the Lungaro, not far from Santo Spirito in Sassia.(31) (Today the street is called the "Vicolo degli Orti Alibert.") The lands in Corsica ― Canari and Ogliastro, situated on the peninsula of Cap Corse ― reinforced Jacques II Dalibert's claims to being a "count."
Actually, he was already making such a claim at the time of his marriage: "Count of Clignancourt and Beauregard," read his marriage contract. The former title clearly was inspired by the quarries and gardens the Daliberts owned north of Paris at Clignancourt; and the latter title is an inflated version of the "sieur de Beauregard" used by his uncle, Gilbert Charpentier ― who almost certainly was not a "count" and apparently never claimed to be one. Jacques II's wedding contract makes another rather surprising assertion: the document says that he was the "Maggiordomo maggiore dell'Altezze Reali di Francia." This appears to be Dalibert's translation of "surintendant des finances de son Altesse Royale Gaston de France," the position he was sharing with his father in the late 1650s.
In a French notarial act drawn up a decade later, Jacques II would describe himself as "comte de Canary et d'Oliastro, gentilhomme de la chambre et secrétaire des ambassadeurs du Roy [sic] de Suède."(32) By 1697, his ancestry had became still more lofty: a Roman notarial document referred to him as "Jacobus d'Alibert, [son of] alterius comitis Jacobi Parisinus."(33)
Dalibert and his wife became full owners of the Corsican property when her father died, circa 1686. Jacques II promptly went to Corsica, to inspect his domain, and he did so under the powerful umbrella of Christina's protection. The Queen wrote on his behalf to both the Doge of Genoa and the Governor of Corsica, Marquis Franchi.(34)
The fact that Dalibert was now a married man did not prevent him from solliciting from the French royal administration a bénéfice in the Church. In May 1666 Resident Bourlemont, a religious himself and a member of the Rota, wrote a somewhat bemused letter to Foreign Minister Lionne: "Il y a longtemps, Monseigneur, que Mr Dalibert m'at-- [fold] que la Reyne [Christina] vouloit prier le Roy de quelque chose pour luy pour les biens d'Eglise, je ne scay come Mr Dalibert le pouvoit, ... estant marié, ... je vous puis asseurer que ledit Sr Dalibert me semble fort affectioné pour le service du Roy." Or perhaps a pension would be more appropriate: "[Retz was going to] vous prier encore de sa part d'assister de vos bons offices aupres du roy Mr d'Alibert touchant la pensions, dont elle parla il y a quelques jours à Mr de Bourlemont. Il en a beaucoup besoin et ses affaires sont reduites icy à l'extremité."(35)
Footnotes
1. Franckenstein, p.154.
2. Quoted
by Arckenholz, III, p. 303; see also IV, p. 17, where she asks Dalibert,
who is in Genoa, to write her about styles, books, and the latest news.
3. Montpellier, XI, fol 35v, March 13, 1688.
4. Turin, AdiS,
Lettere ministri, mazzo 95, no. 17, Jan. 16, 1677.
5. Turin, AdiS,
Roma, Lettere ministri, mazzo 82, no. 1128, June 8, 1667.
6. Turin,
AdiS, Lettere ministri, mazzo 91, no. 320, 1672.
7. Franckenstein,
p. 159.
8. Turin, AdiS, Roma, Lettere ministri, mazzo 95, no. 17,
Jan. 16, 1677.
9. AAE, Rome, 168, fol. 160.
10. Franckenstein,
p. 154.
11. Turin, AdiS, Francia, mazzo 68, fol. 39, Sept. 13, 1659.
12. Franckenstein, pp. 154, 159.
13. Franckenstein, p. 155.
14. AAE, Rome, 171, fol. 323, Oct. 26, 1665.
15. Montpensier,
Mémoires. III, p. 326.
16. Franckenstein, p. 297.
17.
Franckenstein, pp. 155-56.
18. Turin, AdiS, Roma, Lettere ministri,
mazzo 82, fol. 1128, June 8, 1667.
19. Arckenholz, III, p. 181.
20. See Ranum, Portraits around Marc-Antoine Charpentier, pp.
150-69.
21. See, for example, Stockholm, Royal Archives, K 443 (Azzolino's
minutes), where Dalibert's name appears frequently.
22. Cametti,
Tordinona, p. 18, states quite categorically that Dalibert entered
Christina's employ "in June 1662": Bildt, p. 116, is more nuanced: he
calls a letter dated June 17, 1662, "... le premier document [in
Dalibert's hand] qui atteste sa présence au service de la Reine." In
short, Dalibert may well have entered her service somewhat earlier that
year. We know that he was in Rome in mid-February, and a letter of
recommendation from Azzolino to Lionne was dated April 14 (Bildt, p.
122).
23. For a narrative of the riot and the negotiations that
followed, see Bildt, pp. 117-25.
24. Franckenstein, p. 153.
25.
Christina, Nov. 10, 1662, quoted by Arckenholtz, II, p. 73; and Louis,
Dec. 12, 1662, quoted by Bildt, p. 124.
26. AN, MC, XX, 265, Oct. 1,
1647, transport of the house to Marie Dalibert-Le Boulanger, which
Etiennette Marais had "inherited from Sieur Maillyes,"; XXXV, 12, Jan.
11, 1588, vendition signed in the Mallys house; Nicolas "Malys," owned
several jeux de paume, among them the "Lion d'Or" and the rue Coq-Heron,
AN, MC, CXIII, 5, June 27, 1636.
27. Rome, AdiS, 30 Notai capitolini,
officio 15, J. Morus, fols. 627-37, 642-83.
28. Archivio vaticana,
St John Lateran, Stati d'anime, S. Lorenzo in Lucina, 1665, fol. 60;
1666, fol. 61; 1667 (no folio); 1668, fol. 49; 1671, p. 91.
29.
Franckenstein, p. 159.
30. Archivio vaticana, St. John Lateran,
Stati d'anime, S. Dorotea. His wife had been raised in this parish, but
the "Domus Victoria Cenci" was occupied by renters.
31. Rome, AdiS,
Camerale III, Teatri, busta 2126, document 52, summary of wedding
contract.
32. AN, MC, CXII, 245, contract dated May 24, 1700 that
refers to an act signed on Dec. 12, 1676, involving Jacques II, his
brother and sisters and his uncle Gratien. For the full opening
statement of the wedding contract, see Cametti, "D'Alibert," p. 346.
33. Rome, AdiS, Camerale III, teatri, busta 2126, folder 46, while
document 47 calls him the son of a Parisian "nobilis."
34.
Montpellier, VII, fol. 246-46v; X, fol. 172.
35. AAE, Rome, 176,
fols. 136v, May 19, 1666, and fol. 191, June 1.